登陆注册
37836700000245

第245章 VOLUME IV(32)

Now, here in this same book, in this same speech, in this same extract, brought forward to prove that Mr. Clay held that the negro was not included in the Declaration of Independence, is no such statement on his part, but the declaration that it is a great fundamental truth which should be constantly kept in view in the organization of society and in societies already organized. But if I say a word about it; if I attempt, as Mr. Clay said all good men ought to do, to keep it in view; if, in this "organized society," I ask to have the public eye turned upon it; if I ask, in relation to the organization of new Territories, that the public eye should be turned upon it, forthwith I am vilified as you hear me to-day. what have I done that I have not the license of Henry Clay's illustrious example here in doing? Have I done aught that I have not his authority for, while maintaining that in organizing new Territories and societies this fundamental principle should be regarded, and in organized society holding it up to the public view and recognizing what he recognized as the great principle of free government?

And when this new principle--this new proposition that no human being ever thought of three years ago--is brought forward, I combat it as having an evil tendency, if not an evil design. I combat it as having a tendency to dehumanize the negro, to take away from him the right of ever striving to be a man. I combat it as being one of the thousand things constantly done in these days to prepare the public mind to make property, and nothing but property, of the negro in all the States of this Union.

But there is a point that I wish, before leaving this part of the discussion, to ask attention to. I have read and I repeat the words of Henry Clay:

"I desire no concealment of my opinions in regard to the institution of slavery. I look upon it as a great evil, and deeply lament that we have derived it from the parental government and from our ancestors. I wish every slave in the United States was in the country of his ancestors. But here they are, and the question is, How can they be best dealt with? If a state of nature existed, and we were about to lay the foundations of society, no man would be more strongly opposed than I should be to incorporate the institution of slavery amongst its elements."

The principle upon which I have insisted in this canvass is in relation to laying the foundations of new societies. I have never sought to apply these principles to the old States for the purpose of abolishing slavery in those States. It is nothing but a miserable perversion of what I have said, to assume that I have declared Missouri, or any other slave State, shall emancipate her slaves; I have proposed no such thing. But when Mr. Clay says that in laying the foundations of society in our Territories where it does not exist, he would be opposed to the introduction of slavery as an element, I insist that we have his warrant--his license--for insisting upon the exclusion of that element which he declared in such strong and emphatic language was most hurtful to him.

Judge Douglas has again referred to a Springfield speech in which I said "a house divided against itself cannot stand." The Judge has so often made the entire quotation from that speech that I can make it from memory. I used this language:

"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Under the operation of this policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free.

I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South."

That extract and the sentiments expressed in it have been extremely offensive to Judge Douglas. He has warred upon them as Satan wars upon the Bible. His perversions upon it are endless. Here now are my views upon it in brief:

I said we were now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery agitation. Is it not so? When that Nebraska Bill was brought forward four years ago last January, was it not for the "avowed object" of putting an end to the slavery agitation? We were to have no more agitation in Congress; it was all to be banished to the Territories. By the way, I will remark here that, as Judge Douglas is very fond of complimenting Mr. Crittenden in these days, Mr. Crittenden has said there was a falsehood in that whole business, for there was no slavery agitation at that time to allay. We were for a little while quiet on the troublesome thing, and that very allaying plaster of Judge Douglas's stirred it up again. But was it not understood or intimated with the "confident promise" of putting an end to the slavery agitation? Surely it was. In every speech you heard Judge Douglas make, until he got into this "imbroglio," as they call it, with the Administration about the Lecompton Constitution, every speech on that Nebraska Bill was full of his felicitations that we were just at the end of the slavery agitation. The last tip of the last joint of the old serpent's tail was just drawing out of view. But has it proved so? I have asserted that under that policy that agitation "has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented." When was there ever a greater agitation in Congress than last winter? When was it as great in the country as to-day?

同类推荐
热门推荐
  • 诸天英灵之最强召唤

    诸天英灵之最强召唤

    【新书《我在东京当野良神》,写了将近20万,可以开宰了。】自古枪兵幸运E,弓兵都是大挂B。莫欺暗影防御低,法爷怀有近战心。群号【191600511】
  • 娇宠契约

    娇宠契约

    她出车祸失忆,亦被男友抛弃。失去他的同时,自己还招惹上了一个“情敌”。她自愿联姻,却遭夫家退婚。失去一个未婚夫的同时,还招惹上了一个“老公”!随着一块车窗的打碎,某人带着一个天才儿子来到了她的世界,并且还与他潜移默化的达成了某种隐形的“契约”。从此,她便开始了自己偷鸡摸狗的“当妈”人生……
  • 狂妄特工苏七少

    狂妄特工苏七少

    她腹黑懒散,将扮猪吃老虎进行到底。她理想很简单,骗吃骗喝,劫财劫色,招摇过市。“我最大的优点是:我正直,我诚恳,我无私,我伟大,我温柔…”。他强势极品,狂妄器张,人生格言:我家男人很恶劣,恶劣到你想死的地步…(太帅了,没办法)苏傲傲:爷就他妈的装纯,装良民…
  • 丞相的贪财小娇妻

    丞相的贪财小娇妻

    唐昕来到这个陌生的世界,很无助,小说里说的那些穿越来就有随身空间、金手指啥的对她来说也很遥远,她现在只想能有一个户口,能把家按下来,然后就是多多的想办法赚钱,只有钱才能给她安全感,至于萧逸小朋友说的让她嫁给他那个京城第一公子的哥哥,唐昕认为听听就好了,何必认真,就算他真的帅的天上有地上无,和她又有什么关系呢,她不认为身份家世啥都没有的她能嫁给这样优秀的男人,所以我们还是安心的想办法赚钱吧!
  • 池少有点暖

    池少有点暖

    【1v1宠文,爽文】传闻池太太是个神医,没有她治不好的病,只有她不愿医的人。他:我心疼。她:多半是闷得慌,不然我回娘家住几天,让你自个儿乐乐?他:我中毒了。她:谁下的?什么毒?他:你下的,情毒,只有你能治我。——传闻池太太十分凶残暴力。她:凶残?暴力?嗯哼?众:啊不,十分帅气……【男主暖,女主萌,虐渣渣,爽爆天!】
  • 世说人语·人物编

    世说人语·人物编

    精选了郑逸梅写人物、谈掌故、品艺事、话图书的文章上百余篇,撷英采华,变成这部郑逸梅美文类编。共分人物编、书话编、掌故编、艺事编四辑。所选皆为郑文精粹,而又以类相从,可以和而观之,也可性有偏嗜,各取所好,一编在手,尽享快乐阅读的陶然之感。
  • 十年回首

    十年回首

    这只是我对我屈指可数的十年青春留下的纪念。如果真的要写这本书。我的青春就会被浓缩成一本书。一本由幼小的我,再由长大的我,然后是即将面对死亡来临的我。十年回首,每一年都会有很多事很多人从你身边走过,甜的苦的辣的酸的各种各样的事情,各种各样的人都会一遍又一遍的从你身边走过。这些人又会被你记住几个?我希望这本书我可以坚持下去写。可能有些人会嘲讽我,甚至看不起我,他们会用尖锐的话语来苛刻我这个写作的孩子。写书的能有什么出息,以后肯定没有大作为。但我就是热爱文字,我就是喜欢隐姓埋名的写书。一本再一本。这种感觉让我很安心。-----叶七七2016.11.20.18:10
  • 缘之空

    缘之空

    3年前,一座巨塔从天而降,落入大陆中最大的湖里。伴随其一起出现的奇怪异种疯狂地毁灭着路过的地上的一切,整个大陆遭到了严重的损害。终于,连少年的家园也被毁灭,在这场灾难中得到拯救的少年在1年之后为了完成当年立下的契约,来到了大陆最强盛的国家——星耀帝国的学院,【星耀学院】。想要历练成为大陆最强暗杀者的少年,他的奇幻生活现在才刚刚开始。
  • 我的差不多先生

    我的差不多先生

    因为一场误会,唐君诺对顾言哲的印象差极了,偏偏他还跑去要追自己的闺蜜,唐君诺哪里舍得袖手旁观,一顿操作猛如虎之后——她就栽在了他手里咯!
  • 愿你生活多点甜

    愿你生活多点甜

    【伪高冷毒舌男vs鬼马少女】我总会相信,天会晴,风会停,雨后会有彩虹,你总会喜欢我。赵斯哲:陪一个男孩长大是一场豪赌,我希望你不要后悔,更不要赌输。南希:你的温柔只能属于我。我会陪你一起光芒万丈。